The ethnic profile of victims is changing, and so is the politics of the disease
DURING MOST of the coronavirus period, President Donald Trump has acted as if only part of America has been affected: the Democratic part. Early on, he called the virus the Democrats’ “new hoax”. He claimed that only Democratic states were asking for bail-outs from the costs of it and has sided with the many Republicans demanding the prompt reopening of locked-down states.
Reuters, a news agency, calculated that counties which voted for Hillary Clinton in the presidential election in 2016 have had about 39 deaths per 100,000 people, three times the number in Trump-voting ones. According to the, at the end of May counties that Mr Trump won in 2016 had reported only 27% of cases and 21% of deaths, but contained 45% of the population.
William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution, a think-tank, has delved deeper into the numbers by looking at counties where the disease appears in significant numbers for the first time. Between April 20th and June 7th, he says, more than half of newly infected counties supported Mr Trump in 2016. At the end of March, only a third of such counties had been Trump backers. Of the 1,292 counties that joined the category in the seven weeks to June 7th, Mr Trump won 87%.
The ethnic profile of victims is changing, too. At the end of March, minorities were disproportionately affected and non-Hispanic whites accounted for less than half the population of new covid-19 counties, well below their share of the national population. By the end of May, whites accounted for almost two-thirds.
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