The nationwide scope of disturbances is reminiscent of those that fed the backlash politics of Nixon, Wallace, and Reagan. ed_kilgore writes
A policeman stands guard in a Detroit street on July 25, 1967 as buildings are burning during riots that erupted in Detroit following a police operation.
Another notable phenomenon in American society could be nicely bookended by 1964 and 1968: a radical decline in public support for the Democratic Party, which was the national political party associated with the interests of African-Americans. In 1964, Lyndon Johnson won 61.1 percent of the national popular vote. In 1968, Humphrey won 42.7 percent — the lowest percentage of the vote won by a major-party nominee since Alf Landon, FDR’s victim in 1936.
Then and now, the question arose as to whether backlash-prone white Americans really distinguished between peaceful civil-rights demonstrations and violent rioting, or between the civil-rights movement’s pacific, universalistic goals and the disruptive and divisive means sometimes utilized to advance them.
Wasow finds that nonviolent civil-rights protests did not trigger a national backlash but that violent protests and looting did. The physical damage inflicted upon poor urban neighborhoods by rioting does not have the compensating virtue of easing the way for more progressive policies; instead, it compounds the damage by promoting a regressive backlash.
That a wave of “race riots” has broken out as Trump is in the throes of an existential fight to stay in power has to be looked on as a gift from heaven by many in his camp. That today’s Democrats are feeling much more pressure to identify with the victims of racial injustice than were their forbears over a half-century ago is just fuel for the backlash fires.
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