The United States still owes the world details about how it plans to meet President Biden’s pledge to cut greenhouse gas emissions in half by the end of this decade.
The White House promised last year that those would come in the form of a comprehensive “U.S. National Climate Strategy.” That term was used more than 20 times by the American government in a report submitted to the U.N. climate body last year on how the United States would zero out emissions by 2050.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called passage of the act “imperative” to U.S. credibility at the climate talks. Advocates who are in touch with McCarthy and her staff say they’re focused on trying to resuscitate the climate provisions in “Build Back Better” rather than cobbling together a plan B for the 2030 emissions goal.“I’m not sure that sooner would be better than later if sooner means uncertainty about both of those elements,” said Alden Meyer, a senior associate with E3G, referring to Congress and the Supreme Court.
Meyer said international partners are “informally asking for reassurances whenever they have conversations with the U.S.” McCarthy’s deputy, Ali Zaidi, is overseeing its development with policy adviser Greg Carlock. Those briefed say the National Climate Strategy was already partially written before the talks in Glasgow, when it was assumed that “Build Back Better” would be enacted. Observers don’t think the office is actively running scenarios now for how to meet the 50-to-52-percent pledge without legislation.
Sen. Shelley Moore Capito , has written to EPA and the White House numerous times demanding details about how the 2030 climate goal was constructed. ‘Push and pull’ The long-term road map points to Biden administration commitments that underly the 2050 decarbonization trajectory, like the pledge that U.S. power-sector emissions would be zeroed out by 2035. The long-term strategy says that can be achieved through incentives, emission standards, investments in technology to “increase the flexibility of the electricity system” and other steps that it promises will be detailed in the National Climate Strategy.
These models all pointed to reduction opportunities from federal executive authority, state and local action, and legislation. Most assumed that Congress would act to make low-carbon technologies more competitive through incentives, if not through clean energy standards or other policy options that were cut from earlier versions of “Build Back Better.”
The Biden administration introduced an initiative this week aimed at wringing emissions reductions out of the manufacturing sector by leveraging federal procurement. The sector accounts for roughly a quarter of U.S. emissions but has yet to face direct carbon dioxide regulation under the Clean Air Act. But Orvis suggested that might be the kind of opportunity that would allow the United States to meet its 2030 commitment absent action by Congress.
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