Marjorie Dannenfelser has devoted her life to ending the legal right to an abortion. KerryHowley reports on the woman who killed Roe
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This is the exasperation of a practiced biter of bullets, a woman focused on the mission at the cost of possibly everything else, one conscious of trade-offs, which she calls a “hierarchy of goods and evils,” and uncommonly direct about political transaction. There’s a cleanliness to her thinking, a rare resistance to derailment.
“The first few weeks are a vulnerable time for the embryo, and some do not survive,” said the narrator.The interview was over. Marjorie was sitting on the couch in her office, remembering the guileless little boy struggling to grasp the idea of the embryos that hadn’t made it through. Her eyes were wet with tears.
This era, prior to one party’s intense interest in the preservation of what it would insist on calling “life,” was also the last before the introduction of fetal ultrasound. Confirmation of pregnancy still relied heavily on a woman’s report of her sensory experience: menstruation, quickening, shifts in being that lack precise description but not hard reality. By the mid-’70s, write Malcolm Nicolson and John E. E.
At the center of the plaza, the organizers set up a table, and on it they place a small plastic model of a fetus severed from any memory of a mother. He’s nestled up against a copy of A Child Is Born. “Staying silent just means you agree with it,” Hannah tells me. “Some people say, ‘F-U-C-K you.’ They say, ‘Get a hysterectomy.’ But I try to think, You know what? I try to take the perspective, There’s only a few people that say that.”
“A lot of people are forced to share custody with their own rapist,” the college student tells Raquel.“There’s a one-in-four chance of a woman getting raped.”“Look it up,” the college student tells her friend. “Chance of woman getting raped.”The friend looks it up on her phone.According to the CDC, the percentage of American women subject to an attempted or completed rape is estimated to be 21.3, but the center of campus on that Friday in March was not a safe space for statistical precision.
One day, one of the social conservatives, Dean Clancy, found in the VHS player a tape that Dannenfelser calls “arguably pornographic” and that another member of the household told me was “definitely just porn.” The men had evidently been watching porn in the living room of a shared house. Clancy’s response was to pull the tape from the plastic shell, destroying it. The owner of the cassette, a libertarian, wanted to be paid for his destroyed property. Clancy refused to replace it.
SBA List’s 2005–6 budget cycle called for $5 million, the 2021–22 budget cycle for $78 million. Dannenfelser discovered she could generate headlines by campaigning against vulnerable anti-abortion candidates she found wanting. In 2010, earnest pro-life Democrats such as Bart Stupak worked to exclude health plans with abortion funding from the Affordable Care Act; when their efforts failed, they agreed to vote for the legislation as long as Obama would give an executive order to the same effect.
Trump, who self-identified as “very pro-choice” in 1999, had by this time begun to awaken to the grassroots power of anti-abortion voters. He was trying. He was talking about “Two Corinthians” and going to events where both Dannenfelser and Jerry Falwell Jr. were present. He did not yet know the script.
In the coming weeks and months and years, no one would, in fact, get to be pure, least of all Ted Cruz. It was hard to get in touch with Trump’s people in the months running up to the 2016 election, unclear who was in charge, who would answer the phone, and whether that person had relevant authority. Dannenfelser attended a meeting where, after being introduced by Jerry Falwell Jr.
Inside the logic of this particular nightmare, the 50 million dead, there could be no question of falling back. Dannenfelser watched the final presidential debate. Trump had, of course, been coached, but he still sounded, usefully, like a child. “If you go with what Hillary is saying,” he said, “you can take the baby and rip the baby out of the womb of the mother just prior to the birth of the baby … you can rip the baby out of the womb in the ninth month on the final day.
In 2017, only 40 years after the ultrasound became a routine part of prenatal care, anti-abortion legislators in Kentucky mandated that a provider perform an ultrasound on a woman who wants an abortion, display the image, and describe it, even against the woman’s wishes — a violation newly possible. Women having early abortions would have a probe in their vagina, their feet in stirrups, and though some cried and covered their ears, their doctors were not allowed, by law, to stop talking.
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