He's adored by some American conservatives for his defense of socially conservative values. But when it comes to Viktor Orban's foreign policy, the Hungarian prime minister prefers American adversaries.
Orban preceded the conflict by visiting Moscow in what came across as a misguided pilgrimage to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Orban has now responded to Putin's war with a policy of overt hesitation. While Hungary has reluctantly agreed to European Union sanctions on Moscow, Orban refuses to allow the transit of arms supplies to Ukraine. Orban also actively resists energy sanctions on Russia.
Orban stands largely alone in his quiet support for Putin. Even the normally pro-Kremlin Czech President Milos Zeman, for example, has endorsed a robust response to the invasion. This reflects a common EU understanding, at least at present, that the war requires a fundamental shift in how governments approach Moscow. And it's not just Russia where Orban prioritizes his favor: Hungary's pro-China policy is also striking.
Moreover, notwithstanding his domination of the media and his problematic undermining of state institutions, Orban has a significant democratic mandate. The prime minister's Fidesz–KDNP alliance won a supermajority in the 2018 parliamentary elections. Approaching this Sunday's elections, Fidesz stands as a slight favorite facing a unity opposition alliance.
So, although it's in the U.S. and Western alliance's interest that Orban loses, it would be a grave error to disregard why Orban finds an enduring base of support. Albeit with an autocratic bent, he has exploited real and legitimate fears over national sovereignty, Christian values, and immigration. The West can reject these policies, but it should not pretend they represent fictions of Orban's making.
Put simply, Orban might be a friend of American foes, but his power is a product of broader democratic concerns.
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