If these protests do soon sputter, with their underlying causes still unaddressed, they will, sooner or later, re-emerge
THE PRESIDENT who promised in his inaugural address that “this American carnage stops right here and stops right now” found himself, three years later, being escorted to a bunker in the White House as protests raged outside. At one point, the lights of the presidential residence went dark; intermittent illumination came instead from the fires set on nearby streets.
In scope, size and scale of disruption, the past week’s protests over police killings most resemble those in 1968 after the assassination of Martin Luther King. There were then enormous protests in more than 100 American cities, some of them extremely destructive. Then, too, commentators wondered what the point of the concurrent looting was. James Baldwin gave this explanation in an interview withWho is looting whom? Grabbing off the TV set? He doesn’t really want the TV set.
Though formal ghettos do not exist today, America remains deeply segregated by both class and race. The convergence of opportunity between black and white America has looked slow and plodding, and in some places, may have stopped altogether. The gap in household wealth—ten times greater for whites than blacks—is unchanged. The commission’s advice on aggressive patrolling and lack of effective means for complaint seems as relevant today as it did half a century ago.
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