The president's administration has been more enthusiastic than any other in history about using financial penalties
2017 the Democratic Republic of Congo was in ferment. Joseph Kabila, then the president, seemed to be weighing whether or not to stand in an election, even though he should have left office a year before, having served two full terms, his limit under the country’s constitution. In Kinshasa, the capital, Mr Kabila’s allies remarked casually that perhaps the president would stand again.
America is not alone in imposing targeted sanctions: the European Union and the United Nations have programmes too. But America’s is of special importance because of the country’s position at the heart of the world’s financial system. When individuals suffer sanctions from the Treasury, their assets in America are frozen. But the effect goes further than that. Firms which operate in America, or make payments in dollars, cannot easily deal with individuals on the list.
What has driven this surge in sanctions? According to Marshall Billingslea, an assistant secretary in the Treasury department, it reflects Donald Trump’s innovative “financial statecraft”. Certainly, sanctions seem an ideal tool for a man who wants to put foreigners under lots of pressure but is reluctant to send troops or bombers to do the job.
That raises another question, however—do sanctions work? In a tactical sense, it seems fairly clear that they do. Targeted sanctions make people miserable, says Mr Smith. In October the Zimbabwean government declared a national holiday in order to organise protests against sanctions on its members. Mr Gertler has hired lobbyists including Alan Dershowitz, a prominent lawyer, to try to get off the list.
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