The country is still trying to understand how the pops on July 4 in Highland Park, Ill., were not the routine bottle rockets but rather bullets allegedly showered into a suburban Chicago crowd from a rooftop, writes Philip_Elliott
is a seasoned hand who grew up a Democratic-ish home in Vermont only to become an Ohio Republican who can eyeball the ledger and make tough triage calls. He, quite literally, has consulted on hundreds of political campaigns at every level. He also has one of the most aggressive collections of politicalis one of the progressive movement’s favorite fixers, having served as the Congressional Progressive Caucus’ executive director and as a top aide to lawmakers from across the spectrum.
I agree with Matt, this is a complicated problem requiring complicated solutions, but the most fundamental and solvable aspect of that problem is my party’s conduct when we are in charge—leading and pushing and delivering reforms that will solve problems and demonstrate to the American people who our party is, what we believe in and our vision for the future. There is only one group of people who are capable of deciding that, and it’s Democratic Party leaders.
But this problem is larger than those measures can solve alone, and the American people know it. Now, I’m not interested in pointing fingers at Republican obstructionism anymore. I want to double down on something that will become a recurring theme with me: the need for Democrats to use political power even when they hold even slim majorities.
This is only tangentially related but it’s interesting to me that the Democrats have seemingly chosen an all-or-nothing approach to their agenda. [Sen. Joe] Manchin signaled that there was an abortion bill that he would have supported, but the Senate chose to die on the sword of a nearly-all-abortions-are-legal. It’s interesting that people talk about a lack of compromise between the parties, but we’re in a world where leadership isn’t even willing to compromise in the caucus to get something.
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